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In late 1940s Soviet forces threatened war in Europe. War Timeline / A Different Kind of War, Copyright © 2000, Similar to the old policy of containment, the United States funded several proxy wars, including support for Saddam Hussein of Iraq during the Iran–Iraq War, support for the mujahideen in Afghanistan, who were fighting for independence from the Soviet Union, and several anti-communist movements in Latin America such as the overthrow of the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. The argument here is that defending states that have greater interests at stake in a dispute are more resolved to use force and be more willing to endure military losses to secure those interests. A third shift occurred with President Ronald Reagan's arms build-up during the 1980s. Within the types of coercive strategies, compelling the Soviet Union to voluntarily make concessions was a non-starter, largely for the same reasons. The central problem for a state that seeks to communicate a credible deterrent threat through diplomatic or military actions is that all defending states have an incentive to act as if they are determined to resist an attack, in the hope that the attacking state will back away from military conflict with a seemingly resolved adversary. Specifically, U.S. leaders seek to slow, halt, or, ideally, roll back Chinese efforts in the South and East China Seas, Russian subversion of U.S. allies and partners in its perceived “near abroad,” Iranian pursuit of increased power and prestige in the Persian Gulf, North Korean progress on its nuclear weapons and related delivery vehicle programs, and violent extremist organizations’ increasing entrenchment across large swaths of the globe. A nation's credible threat of such severe damage empowers their deterrence policies and fuels political coercion and military deadlock, which in turn can produce proxy warfare. In 1966 Schelling[3] is prescriptive in outlining the impact of the development of nuclear weapons in the analysis of military power and deterrence. The deterrence message is broadcasting on all channels. Building credibility with adversaries, such as by always following through on threats. The US policy of deterrence during the Cold War underwent significant variations. By the 1960s, three such systems emerged as PSQ has no ideological or methodological bias and is edited Since the Cold War, U.S. leaders have repeatedly shown that it will carry out threats even if the adversary complies with American aims. In sum, deterrence no longer supports many U.S. objectives, there are a number of circumstances in which coercion in general is less likely to work, and there are many others in which brute force might work – and in which U.S. leaders clearly think it will or already does. https://www.britannica.com/topic/deterrence-political-and-military-strategy. weapons. The wound inflicted on unsuspecting populations he calls an "integral accident": Former deputy defense secretary and strategic arms treaty negotiator Paul Nitze stated in a Washington Post op-ed in 1994 that nuclear weapons were obsolete in the "new world disorder" following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and advocated reliance on precision guided munitions to secure a permanent military advantage over future adversaries.

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