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We had thousands of incidents of breaking the law, of attacking people. The point here is that the fighting of 1970 and the events that followed was the cause of a Jordanian-Palestinian divide, and not the result of one. Omissions? [32] Immediately after the incident, a seven-point agreement was reached between King Hussein and Palestinian organizations, that restrained unlawful and illegal fedayeen behavior against the Jordanian government. Get exclusive access to content from our 1768 First Edition with your subscription. [61] A meeting of the Israeli Cabinet on that day was divided on whether or not to intervene in Jordan. [6] As a result of pressure from militants, writes Morris, a Fatah congress in Damascus in August–September 1971 agreed to establish Black September. Black September apparently formed within Fatah, the PLO group led by Yāsir ʿArafāt. Their very presence in Amman, far from the battlefield, seemed like a challenge to the regime. The perceived joint Jordanian-Palestinian victory against Israel during the 1968 Battle of Karameh led to an upsurge in Arab support for the fedayeen in Jordan, in both new recruits and financial aid. [43], Fighting broke out again between the fedayeen and the army in Zarqa on 7 June. Let us know if you have suggestions to improve this article (requires login). [69] On 3 August 1972, PMOI operatives bombed the Jordanian embassy in Tehran during King Hussein's state visit as an act of "revenge" for the events of Black September. Black September's official name for the operation was "Ikrit and Biram", after the names of two Palestinian Christian villages whose residents had been killed or expelled by the Israeli military Haganah in 1948.[8][9]. [74] The fedayeen finally surrendered and were allowed to leave to Syria, some 200 fighters preferred to cross the Jordan River to surrender to Israeli forces rather than to the Jordanians. [74] In July, the army surrounded the last remaining 2,000 fedayeen from the Ajloun-Jerash area. [50], Al-Jazy, the perceived pro-Palestinian newly appointed army chief of staff, resigned on 9 September in the midst of the hijacking crisis, and was replaced by Habis Majali, who was brought in from retirement. [78] The group would go on to perform other strikes against Jordan, and against Israeli and Western citizens and property outside of the Middle East, such as the Munich massacre against Israeli athletes in 1972. Black September, Arabic Aylūl al-Aswad, also called Black September Organization (BSO), breakaway militant faction of the Palestinian organization Fatah. [60] Al-Assad claimed power after a coup on 13 November. Further Israeli attacks targeted Palestinian militants residing among the Jordanian civilian population, giving rise to friction between Jordanians and guerrillas. [55] The former group prevailed as Jordan was facing an existential threat. [44] Arafat did not agree with the PFLP, but had to play along as he feared public opinion. [50] After 371 hostages were removed, the planes were dramatically blown up in front of international press on 12 September. [78] Fatah has always publicly denied its responsibility for Black September operations, but by the 2000s, some high-ranking Fatah and Black September officials acknowledged the relationship. [3] Although the Syrian tanks had PLA markings, the troops were Syrian Army regulars. [21] On 18 March 1968, an Israeli school bus was blown up by a mine near Be'er Ora in the Arava, killing two adults and wounding ten children—the 38th Fatah operation in little more than three months. [56] Nixon and Kissinger were receptive to Hussein's request. It mandated that the fedayeen respect Jordanian sovereignty and desist from wearing uniforms or bearing arms in public.

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